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International students Continuing education Executive and professional education Courses in education. Research at Cambridge. Professor Andrew Preston. Email : amp33 cam. Download as vCard. Departments and Institutes Clare College :. Research Interests I specialize in the history of American foreign relations.

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Research Supervision I am happy to supervise MPhil and PhD dissertations on most aspects of American political, religious, and foreign relations history in any period since the Civil War. New York: Oxford University Press, Schulman and Julian E. Engel and Mark Atwood Lawrence. New York: Knopf, Nixon in the World: U. Foreign Relations, Cambridge, Mass. Timothy Andrews Sayle, Jeffrey A. Engel, Hal Brands, and William Inboden. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, Martin Halliwell and Nick Witham.

Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, Roosevelt and America's Empire of Anti-Imperialism.

The Vietnam War

Martin Thomas and Richard Toye. Before the end of March Andrei Gromyko announced that Soviet troops would leave Iran, and before long they actually left. The Western allies — Britain, France, and the U. That summer, another crisis brewed. The Soviets proposed to put an end to the international supervision of the Dardanelles and establish Soviet bases in Turkey.

Twenty-five divisions of the Red Army were maneuvering near the Turkish border to show they meant it. The climax came when the Greek government, controlling only a "shrunken area" around Athens, appealed for international help. Almost at the same moment, in February , the British government delivered to Washington a formal note saying that it could no longer afford to help either Greece or Turkey beyond the end of March. Also in February, a rigged election put Communists in power in Poland — and another piece of Allied postwar planning, the Yalta agreement, was snuffed out by Soviet noncompliance.

In American politics the stars were not aligned for a strong reaction to all this. Americans were delighted the war was over, welcomed the wholesale demobilization of troops, They were looking for some normalcy, maybe even some prosperity. They were certainly far from ready for another kind of war. In November , U. Senator Robert Taft, "Mr.

Milestones: 1961–1968

Republican" in those days, was focused, he said, on "straightening out our domestic affairs. Yet in March , with the indispensable help of a senior Republican, Senator Arthur Vandenbe rg of Michigan, President Truman laid it on the line in a historic address to a joint session of Congress. He called for massive help to both Greece and Turkey -- which was authorized and funded by overwhelming majorities in both the Senate and the House in less than two months. The great confrontation we came to call the Cold War had quite suddenly become the next stage of world history.

What began in Iran in lasted for 45 years, until the dissolution of the Soviet Union in Marshall added another theme to the sympho ny of Western cooperation. He had just come back from weeks of fruitless haggling at a Moscow conference of foreign ministers. On the flight home, he had witnessed the hopelessness of a Europe soon to be described by Winston Churchill as "a rubble-heap, a charnel house, a breeding ground of pestilence and hate.

Lyndon Baines Johnson - President of the United States of America, USIA, MP207

The Marshall speech was not in itself a cold war maneuver. The Marshall Plan was a brilliant series of improvisations on a deceptively simple theme: Europe needed help, and only America could supply it. Precisely because it wasn't a cold war move, it turned out to be a a key to the cold war's outcome. It was even open to the Eastern Europeans; but once the Soviet foreign minister Molotov attended a first planning session in Paris, the Kremlin pulled its satellites out of what looked, from Moscow, like a dangerous opportunity to cooperate.

Measured by the cost of failure, let alone the standards of modern war, the Marshall Plan was not expensive. Its first-year cost, five billion dollars, did provide something like five percent of Western Europe's GNP.


  • In Bed With A Stranger.
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The Marshall Plan provided above all a source of dynamism-in-action to reverse a growing hopelessness in Europe. With the Marshall Plan, the Western Europeans were able to jump-start their economic recovery from World War II; to commence a bold if baffling effort to build a European Union; and to create an inclusive framework within which a new Germany could be both strong and safe. And then, the Europeans were able to face east with such comparative prosperity and panache that their Eastern European neighbors in time decided to join the Western future — and the Soviet Union itself eventually dissolved.

But meanwhile, the Marshall Plan provoked a wide range of Soviet efforts to sabotage it. Communist posters plastered the walls of the cities. Handbills were passed out to the workers leaving their factories. News sheets appeared on the walls of remote villages. Counterpropaganda was torn down or painted red by Communist crews in the streets by night. The radio programs from Eastern Europe kept up a drumfire of anti-Marshall Plan messages.

Riots were staged at U. Bundles of U. The Communists spent seven times as much for propaganda as the United States spent for the Marshall Plan information service. The best film crews that could be assembled turned out news clips, film magazines, and documentaries at prodigious rates.

We Americans also derived from the Marshall Plan benefits that are as hard to quantify as they were obvious to see and to feel. We were associated with a dependable group of European allies in a troublesome postwar world.

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We helped build a large and congenial market in which to buy and sell. We helped create a political attractant that lured Eastern Europe away from totalitarian rule, and withered Soviet Communism on the vine. These statistics are crude but telling. They deserve a place in any history of postwar Europe. Helmut Schmidt of Germany said it all in one sentence: "The high probability of failure was averted thanks to leaders who did not act according to plan, but instead relied on their moral and national visions as well as their common sense.

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27. The Sixties

Even before the Marshall Plan got under way, the transatlantic allies had put together a military alliance designed to persuade the Soviet Union that military militancy would not pay. General Assembly two decades later, in The North Atlantic Alliance was signed in Six decades later, despite pressures, threats, ultimatums, provocations, and crises, there has been no war among, or armed attack on, the members of NATO, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Anyone with a smattering of modern European history can appreciate how extraordinary and unprecedented a piece of good news this is.

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